Mercedes Lackey :: Free Essay Writer

Mercedes Lackey Dear Mercedes Lackey, You probably get letters from people everyday who say what I’m gonna say, but oh well. See, I am a huge fan of your work, and just recently got told to write a LAL (Letters about Literature) for one of my favorite books, and since I didn’t feel like writing to the judges on your Dragons Bane Trilogy, I decided I would write my letter as if talking to you. As I said before, we have to write a letter explaining our favorite book, so, to explain the Dragons Bane book , I guess I should tell what made it the best. First, of course, it was written by you, my all time favorite author, and also it’s fantasy, which is my favorite genre, but it goes deeper than that, too. It deals with the characters, all of them. I can relate to them so well it’s amazing. I mean with the main girl, let’s say Lila’s her name , godz, we could be twins, except my ears don’t point in the slightest and I don’t have green eyes, but that’s besides the point. In mind, we are practically one in the same. We both are extremely determined and rebellious at times and quite curious all the time. We also both hold a love for animals that is almost second to nothing else. And we’re both tremendously loyal to most of our family. Now, she can mindspeak which I can’t, and she also has magic abilities, which of course I don’t, and I’m real, and she’s not, but you get the point. In essence we are related I guess is what I’m saying. There’s also her â€Å"older brother†, ( I’ll call him Jeff since I can’t remember his name either) the dragon who raised her. It seems as if I’m related to him, too. He’s definitely got a knack with animals, which I’ve already said I have. He also is kind, to everyone, and amazingly enough, that’s another trait I try (key word here; try) to possess since reading this book. But he’s not as close to me as the girl, I have no idea why, except maybe because he’s a he, or he’s a dragon, or he’s not the main character or whatever else differs between them, but he could really be an older brother to me. Then of course, you can’t have a brother without a sister, and you provide one of those, too, one that fits my little sister exactly, actually.

Failure to maintain the rule of law Essay

The government’s repeated failures to bring levels of violent crime under control contributed to an environment which saw people resort to violence without fear of arrest or successful prosecution. In failing to maintain the rule of law the state had conditioned many poor communities to violent behaviour. The failure to protect communities from criminal elements and to remove those elements had allowed criminals to take full advantage of chaos and disorder to rob, rape, and loot during the violent uprisings. Incompetence in the ministry of safety and security, falling standards in the South African Police Service, corruption up to the highest levels of the police, and affirmative action had eroded the capacity of the police to provide a safe and secure environment in South Africa. This was further exacerbated by the poor performance of the prosecution service in securing convictions for offenders and the failure of the department of correctional services to rehabilitate offenders. South Africa was faced with an effective breakdown of the organs responsible for maintaining law and order. Warnings to this effect from a variety of sources had been largely ignored or treated with arrogance and contempt from the office of the minister of safety and security downwards. That not a single minister or deputy minister responsible for law and order, justice, or prisons was dismissed over close on ten years of Thabo Mbeki’s presidency suggests that the government was either unable to identify the risks presented by lawlessness or had resigned itself to the consequences. Regardless of which of the two options is correct the failure of the state to maintain law and order is the first direct contributing factor to the violence. 2.) Border control The collapse of proper border control mechanisms saw literally millions of people gaining entry to South Africa illegally. The responsibility for this law enforcement failure rests jointly with the army, police and the government who saw fit to hand many border dut ies to the police when it should have been obvious that the police were unable to handle the responsibility. The closure of the commandos is instructive in this regard as it suggests a government more interested in ideology than in pragmatism. During a period when South Africa experienced some of the highest levels of violent crime in the world the state saw fit to close down one of the key organs responsible for rural policing. Poor policy decisions and simple incompetence in border policing therefore contributed directly to the presence of a large illegal population in South Africa. Without adequate legal standing in the community these people became easy or soft targets for mob violence. The police’s own heavy handed raids on illegal immigrants further created the impression that they were fair game in South Africa. The policy response to the cross border influx revolved chiefly around a programme of arrests and deportations often without regard to the human rights and due process issues that should have applied. This policy continued long after it was apparent that it was having no effect on the number of illegal immigrants in South Africa. Again no senior political official with responsibility for this critical area of policing was dismissed for underperformance despite the obvious threat to national security. 3.) Corruption Corruption in the state sector became endemic under Thabo Mbeki and very little was done to curb it. The examples of Travelgate, Armsgate, and Oilgate served to create the impression that the South African state was corrupt up to the highest levels of government. Such corruption in turn filtered down into the various government departments at local, provincial, and national level. In the home affairs, social welfare, and law enforcement areas literally tens of thousands of officials were implicated in corrupt dealings. Anger by South Africans at immigrants with illegal documents getting access to services is therefore understandable and was brought about in large part by the failure of the police and the department of home affairs to crack down on fraudulent documents. Evidence of widespread corruption was uncovered by a host of agencies and the media. The government, however, failed to act with due diligence and most corrupt officials got away with a slap on the wrist. Even where the law took its course as in the case of Tony Yengeni the ANC saw fit to carry him into prison like a conquering hero. Confidence in the state was substantially eroded by corruption policy failures and poor judgment on the part of government. Consequently it is not surprising that communities saw the need to take their anger onto the streets. Widespread corruption undermining the role of the state is therefore a further direct contributing factor to the violence. 4.) Employment With close on 40% of South Africans failing to secure a proper job it is not surprising that scores of youths were able to conduct days and nights of violent campaigns in informal settlements around Johannesburg. Unemployment was therefore a direct contributing cause to the violence. Among young black South Africans the unemployment rate extends to over 50% in some areas. Overall only 50% of African households get their main source of income from employment. Social welfare which now reaches 25% of South Africans was never going to be sufficient to meet communities’ expectations of a better life. Warnings as to the risks of sustained levels of high unemployment were largely ignored by government. Labour legislation, hopelessly inappropriate for a largely unskilled workforce, has contributed to keep many mainly black South Africans out of jobs. Immigrants were able to secure employment as these labour policies did not apply to them and were in many cases able to make a living free from government grantsor regulation. Policy responses such as the Expanded Public Works Programme were a case of too little too late to prevent the turbulence that has gripped parts of Johannesburg for the past seven days. The government showed limited urgency in dealing with an unemployment crisis that required dramatic changes in policy to address. A host of talk shops, forums, and strategies were substituted for actual progress. It is a valid question how the government could ignore such an obvious political risk factor for so long without an adequate policy response. Partly the answer may lie in the ANC misjudging its electoral support for satisfaction with its policies. 5.) Education This has been government’s biggest failure and carries much of the blame for the high unemployment levels. It is arguable whether current state education is in its totality any better than that under apartheid. Only 1% of black matriculants achieve a good HG maths pass. The output of the school education system was therefore far from adequate to free households from state dependency or to acquire the skills necessary to find employment in a heavily regulated labour market. The education system is a good example where policy failures in one area compounded those in another. In this case poor education compounded the inappropriate labour market policy which in turn compounded the unemployment problem. Many warnings to government in this regard have been dismissed as alarmist and sensationalist. That combined with critical policy misjudgments such as the adoption of outcomes based education and the closure of teacher training colleges sabotaged any chance of rehabilitating the education system. The failure of education is therefore a further direct contributing cause to the violence. 6.) Slowing economic growth The failure to take proper advantage of a global boom in commodities meant that South Africa attracted limited benefit from the economic climate of the last five years. Empowerment policy, affirmative action, and bureaucratic interference in mining for example saw South Africa’s mining sector stutter over a period when it should have boomed. In many cases racial bean counting, self enrichment through economic empowerment, and ideological arguments for transformation trumped the need to boost economic growth rates above 4.5%. South Africa was therefore unable to use the global commodity boom to establish subsidiary industries or to invest in its industrial base. Policy failures in electricity supply and telecommunication technology in turn further hampered the economic growth rate in South Africa and further compounded the failure to adopt an industrial policy aimed at facilitating growth off the commodity boom. Education and skills shortages share some of the blame for this. In many cases ideologically driven beliefs in the state’s role in managing the economy overruled pragmatic policy responses. Agriculture is a prime example where the governments’ policy on commercial producers could best be described as hostile even as food prices begun to rise. Increasing food prices directly compromised the welfare of poor communities and must be identified as one of the key causal factors responsible for the violence. Rising inflation is a second key causal factor for the violence where a failure of the Reserve Bank’s inflation targeting policy has largely undone much of the anti-poverty impact of social grants spending. Again this is an example of one policy failure compounding failures in a host of other areas. Both food prices and inflation together with rising fuel costs directly impacted upon poor households and must have forced them to cut down on basic staples. That alone may have been sufficient to spark much of the anger visible in and around Johannesburg this week. These three factors directly undid the efforts of social grants in alleviating poverty as they undermined the value of those grants. Two of the three factors were in government’s direct policy responsibility to address. An analysis of economic policy failures would not be complete without examining the role of empowerment policy in establishing a very small and often politically connected black middle class. Government saw fit to celebrate this limited success even as the majority of black South Africans continued to live in relative squalor and poverty. In retrospect it is extraordinary that government would flaunt such limited participation in the broader economy by a select group of individuals when most of its supporters had no hope of ever becoming the beneficiary of an empowerment transaction. The now regular site of a high speed government convoys of black luxury sedans escorted by scores of police shoving through traffic points to a similarly misguided and extraordinary arrogance on the part of those who had promised a better life for all in 1994. Warnings of political risk accompanying such policy blunders where sharply disputed by government most notably in the example of Tony Trahar who was admonished by Thabo Mbeki for raising the issue of political risk in South Africa. 7.) Foreign policy Particularly in the case of Zimbabwe foreign policy was wholly inappropriate and incompetent. Thabo Mbeki’s quiet diplomacy provided a lifeline to the ailing Zimbabwe regime that kept it in power longer than would otherwise have been the case. The failure to condemn initial violence and electoral fraud in Zimbabwe contributed directly to the massive inflow of foreign immigrants. Such quiet diplomacy stands in strong contrast to the unanimous condemnation by government of the current violence in South Africa and creates the impression that violence targeted at Zimbabweans was acceptable as long as it took place in Zimbabwe. Seen in light of South Africa’s inability to secure its borders our foreign policy on Zimbabwe was destined to have only one effect – the inflow of illegal immigrants. It is far from convincing to argue that the best South Africa, as Africa’s economic superpower, could do was to quietly engage the Harare regime. Targeted economic and financial sanctions together with clear criticism of human rights abuses in Zimbabwe were a perfectly feasible alternative policy. As in almost every area of policy failure warnings directed at government were scoffed at and dismissed. In the Zimbabwe case Thabo Mbeki’s government was quick to describe as racist any criticism of his Zimbabwe policy. Need one only remember the tumultuous reception Robert Mugabe was given at Thabo Mbeki’s inauguration? Ideology again trumped pragmatism, a failure for which South Africa is paying heavily. 8.) Service delivery While a host of government targets were met service delivery provision was far from adequate to meet expectations of a better life for all. A policy failure is again at the heart of the problem as the state took it upon itself to provide services and jobs and thereby tied households to its ability to deliver. Where delivery appeared to falter public protest was the outcome and literally thousands of protests, many of them violent, have been directed at the state over the past 36 months. In many cases the government relied on corrupt and incompetent local authorities to implement its policies. Despite much bluster and posturing not enough was done to bring these authorities into line even as a growing trend of protest actions became visible over the past 36 months. The failure of local government in delivery was never adequately addressed and communities lost faith in the willingness of government to address their queries when these were made through official channels. Communities learnt to express their dissatisfaction violently and this is set to continue as long as local authorities remain corrupt and incompetent. High unemployment was again a further contributing factor exacerbating other policy failures. The protests of the past 36 months have in the main been isolated and sporadic but should have sent a clear warning to government that dissatisfaction with delivery could spark large scale unrest. Government however continued to insist that it was on the right track and that dismissed criticism as alarmist or aimed at threatening the national democratic revolution. The government effectively miscalculated that continuing strong voter support for the ANC translated directly into support for its delivery efforts. This has proven to be a tragic misjudgment. Current legislation pending in provinces to ‘eradicate’ informal dwellings is a perfect example of a type of heavy handed delivery blunder that has characterised the government. If implemented it will no doubt aid in creating exactly the kind of havoc currently experienced around Gauteng. It is in a sense a good measure in deciding whether the government has learnt any lessons from this week’s violence. 9.) Race relations Thabo Mbeki’s efforts at re-racialising South Africa and the numerous pieces of race based policy and legislation that accompanied his time in office undid much of the progress in improving race relations accomplished under Nelson Mandela. Mbeki’s tenure re-enforced differences and assigned values based on race. It was not surprising therefore that racial conflict could be an end result of his government’s numerous policy failures. That that conflict is black on black and not black on white is unsurprising considering that levels of latent ethnic tension remain present in South Africa. Obsession with black on white racism meant that the apparently more widespread form of black on black racism was never adequately addressed. Overzealous self censorship and political correctness prevented many commentators from speaking up clearly about a possibly far more deep seated racism between black and black than existed between black and white. What can be done? Combined failures in these key policy areas have come together to create a virtual tinderbox of dissatisfaction with government delivery and the protests originating in Alexandra where merely a matter of a spark igniting the tensions at the right time in the right place. Similar political risk factors exist throughout South Africa and there exists the danger that the violence could spread further at a point in time. A second danger exists that the violence could come to take on a more ethnic nature and devolve into a renewed conflict particularly if it spreads in KwaZulu-Natal. It is a risk that South Africa will have to live with for several years as there is no quick fix solution for the current crisis. The appointment of a panel to investigate the violence is a useful academic exercise but is again a wholly inappropriate policy response to resolve the crisis. This is equally true of revitalising the failed Roll Back Xenophobia campaigns and the like which cannot adequately capture the underlying causes to the violence. The short term response should be a well thought out and coordinated law enforcement response that aims to identify and arrest anyone responsible for inciting violence or the destruction of property while isolating violent hotspots and saturating these areas with police personnel. It should be intelligence driven and managed by detectives. Tragically it is questionable, however, whether the police have the skills or equipment to conduct such an operation effectively. Employing the military in a civilian capacity risks a major disaster. They are not trained, equipped, or prepared for such a function. There is a real risk of the army shooting into a crowd with live ammunition and causing casualties that could inflame tensions even further and will almost certainly see a nationwide uprising against the state. Conclusion The violence we have experienced over the past week can be directly attributed to a series of policy failures on the part of Thabo Mbeki’s government. Warnings to that effect were too easily dismissed by government spokespeople who accused analysts of racism and ‘doom and gloom’ scenarios. A ‘worst possible scenario’ has now materialised and requires a more mature and measured response from government. Failing that we should expect that similar unrest could occur with little warning in any area of South Africa. *Frans Cronje is the Deputy CEO of the South African Institute of Race Relations. This is an edited version of an article published by the SAIRR on May 20 2008

The Former Country of Yugoslavia

After the fall of the Austria-Hungary empire at the conclusion of World War I, the victors established a new country out of six ethnic groups: Yugoslavia. Just over seventy years later, this piecemeal nation disintegrated and war broke out between newly independent states. Yugoslavias history is hard to follow unless you know the whole story. Read here about events that transpired to make sense of the fall of this nation. The Fall of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito, president of Yugoslavia, managed to keep the country unified from its formation in 1943 to his death in 1980. A prominent ally to the Soviet Union during World War II, Yugoslavia came to resent the USSRs growing desire to dominate its economy and land. Subordinate Yugoslavia turned the tables in an infamous alliance rupture with Josip Tito and Joseph Stalin on either side. Tito ousted the Soviet Union and was consequently excommunicated by Stalin from a previously strong partnership. Following this conflict, Yugoslavia became a satellite Soviet nation. When Soviet blockades and sanctions were established, Yugoslavia got creative and developed diplomatic relationships with western European governments in order to trade, despite the fact that Yugoslavia was technically a communist country. After the death of Stalin, relations between the USSR and Yugoslavia improved. Upon Titos death in 1980, increasingly nationalistic factions in Yugoslavia became agitated once again with Soviet control and demanded full autonomy. It was the fall of the USSR—and communism in general—in 1991 that finally broke the jigsaw kingdom of Yugoslavia into five states according to ethnicity: the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Slovenia, Macedonia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. An estimated 250,000 people were killed by wars and ethnic cleansing in the new countries of the former Yugoslavia.​ The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia What remained of Yugoslavia after its dissolution was initially referred to as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. This republic was comprised of Serbia and Montenegro. Serbia Although the rogue state of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was exiled from the United Nations in 1992, Serbia and Montenegro regained recognition on the world stage in 2001 after the arrest of Slobodan Milosevic, former Serbian president. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was dissolved and rebranded. In 2003, the country was restructured into a loose federation of two republics called Serbia and Montenegro. This nation was called the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, but there was arguably another state involved. The former Serbian province of Kosovo lies just south of Serbia. Past confrontations between ethnic Albanians in Kosovo and ethnic Serbs from Serbia have drawn attention to the province, which is 80% Albanian, on a global scale. After many years of struggle, Kosovo unilaterally declared independence in February 2008. Unlike Montenegro, not all the countries of the world have accepted the independence of Kosovo, most notably Serbia and Russia. Montenegro Montenegro and Serbia split into two separate countries in response to a referendum for Montenegros independence in June 2006. The creation of Montenegro as an independent country resulted in landlocked Serbia losing access to the Adriatic Sea. Slovenia Slovenia, the most homogeneous and prosperous region of what was once Yugoslavia, was the first to secede from the diverse kingdom. This country now has its own language and capital city, Ljubljana (also a primate city). Slovenia is mostly Roman Catholic and has a compulsory education system. Slovenia was able to avoid much of the bloodshed induced by Yugoslavias collapse due to its ethnic uniformity. Not a large nation, this once Yugoslavian republic had a population of approximately 2.08 million as of 2019. Slovenia joined both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union in the spring of 2004. Macedonia Macedonias claim to fame is its rocky relationship with Greece, a longstanding dispute caused by the very name Macedonia that existed before Yugoslavia even fell apart. For geographical and cultural reasons, Greece feels that Macedonia, named after the Greek kingdom of Macedon, was appropriated and should not be used. Because Greece is so strongly opposed to the use of the ancient Greek region as an external territory, Macedonia was admitted to the United Nations under the name the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. In 2019, just over two million people lived in Macedonia: about two-thirds Macedonian and 27% is Albanian. The capital city is Skopje and major exports include wheat, corn, tobacco, steel, and iron. Croatia In January 1998, Croatia assumed control of its entire territory, some of which had been under the control of Serbs. This also marked the end of a two-year United Nations peacekeeping mission there. Croatias declaration of independence in 1991 caused Serbia, unwilling to cede, to declare war. Croatia is a boomerang-shaped country of over four million with extensive coastline along the westernmost portion of the Adriatic Sea. The capital of this Roman Catholic state is Zagreb. In 1995, Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia signed a peace agreement. Bosnia and Herzegovina The almost landlocked cauldron of conflict of four million inhabitants is a melting pot of Muslims, Serbs, and Croats. While the Winter Olympics of 1984 were held in Bosnia-Herzegovinas capital city of Sarajevo, the country has since been devastated by war. The mountainous region has been trying to rebuild its infrastructure since its 1995 peace agreement with Croatia and Serbia, on whom the small country relies for imports such as food and materials. The area that was once Yugoslavia is a dynamic and interesting region of the world. It is likely to continue to be the focus of geopolitical struggle and change as countries work to gain recognition and membership in the European Union. Sources Chapman, Bert. â€Å"Yugoslav-Soviet Split.†Ã‚  Purdue Libraries e-Pubs, 16 Oct. 2014.Harris, Emily. â€Å"Former Yugoslavia 101: The Balkans Breakup.†Ã‚  NPR, All Things Considered, 18 Feb. 2008.Kà ¤stle, Klaus.  Serbia and Montenegro. One World Nations Online.â€Å"The Breakup of Yugoslavia.†Ã‚  Remembering Srebrenica, Scotland, 16 Nov. 2014.Uvalić, Milica.  The Rise and Fall of Market Socialism in Yugoslavia. DOC Research Institute, 28 Mar. 2019.

Crossing the Line of Police Brutality - 2199 Words

####not well written####Introduction Police brutality is the use of any force exceeding that reasonably necessary to accomplish a lawful police purpose. (Gregory Umbach) There is a very thin line as to what is acceptable and excessive use of force for police officers. Many police departments try their best to outline what is appropriate use of force to weed out these unacceptable practices. However, some evidence and scenarios point to race being a possible factor in police brutality. There exist two sides to this argument on the bias of race in police brutality. One side believes that race does play a role in the polices overuse of force, while the other side disagrees and states that other circumstances lead to the propensity of most police abused victims to be of the minority ethnic group. In this literature review, sources that directly relate race with police brutality and their excessive use of force shall be analyzed along with sources that state the opposite and find the poli ce brutality coincidental to the race of the victim or officer. It is in my opinion that race clearly does lead to the increase in police brutality, as the police put themselves in confrontations more often with the minority groups, through the use of racial profiling in terms of stop and frisks. The Problem The problem of police brutality being linked to race is not a new one. Most officers do not believe that they are at fault and usually blame the victim for instigating the conflict.Show MoreRelatedWe Must Stop Police Brutality826 Words   |  4 PagesPolice brutality is an act that often goes unnoticed by the vast majority of white Americans. 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During protests, Israeli police and soldiers meet the protestors with rubber bullets, 22-caliber bullets, and tear gas canisters firing them into the crowds. Two young Palestinian men were killed may 15th, 2014 during a demonstration for Nakba Day, a commemoration of the destructionRead MoreThe Fall of the Berlin Wall1382 Words   |  6 PagesSoviet sector of Berlin. Roused from sleep, people looking down from their windows saw convoys of trucks and troop carriers speeding toward the line dividing East Berlin from West Berlin. Within two hours, thousands of steel-helmeted East German troops and armed police were deployed along the border. Guards with automatic weapons were posted at crossing points between the eastern and western sections of the city. Machine gun positio ns were set up. Border patrols were assigned and dispatched.

Essay on Organizational Theory - 881 Words

This is a study to examine the background of various organization theories and their development from the perspective of legitimacy and efficacy; to evaluate selected discussions regarding theory development and various theories; to encourage the use of evidence based theory development and to provide a look into the model and related theories that are created after looking at the existing theories. While not rejecting the need for thorough testing of theories, I am simply looking into the suggestion of theories and models for their worth. Only is that when we begin to thoroughly looking into the application of the theories, that they can then be tested in conditions of their authenticity and the level that they are useful.†¦show more content†¦There are several new theories, models and extensions of existing theories out there that in the future should be available to be presented for discussion and to be tested for the soundness in their application ability (Miles, McKe nny, Short, Davis, Wu). With this thought, we must start the movement of progress for the organizational theory development so we can be prepared for the beginning and use in the current changing environment of business. In using an evidence based approach, we will begin to discover new approaches and expand the existing theories and current models. Research has shown that there have been several management and organization theories that have been tested through the years and a lot of those were introduced as very sound and logical prior to testing and were accepted by the majority of theorist. The finding of these theories and models simply do not mean that there is a necessity in depth testing and validation for them to be measured justifiable theories. There are theorists that have said that the incorporation of this theory creation and testing is vital. With that said, all of the building and formation of new theories needs to be evaluated so that an evaluation is feasible through sound and dependable testing. 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As a field spanning several disciplines, it prescribes how work and workers out to be organized and attempts to explain the actual consequences of organizational behavior (including individual behavior) on work done and on the organization itself.(Gordon and Milkavoich, 147) It has been evolving for centurie s on how should work be done in the public administrationRead MoreOrganizational Theory and Practice3050 Words   |  13 PagesOrganizational Theory Practice Introduction Previously people were less interested in an organizational culture. Cultural perspectives were not really important. When it comes to cultural change, leaders used to take an action at the end, at the time where company was facing bankruptcy, and they were not succeeded. Unlike now, culture is significantly important aspect in an organization. It shapes how people think and behave. 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Zero Effort Network Essay Research Paper Zero free essay sample

Zero Effort Network Essay, Research Paper Zero Effort Networks ( Z.E.N. plants ) is a great new tool in NetWare 5, that makes the web decision maker # 8217 ; s occupation a batch easier by leting him to pass less clip at each user workstation. To be able to utilize the Z.E.N. works these are the lower limit hardware demands: ? Processor: 486/33 or higher? Memory: 16 MB ( for Windows 95 ) ; 24 MB ( for Windows NT ) ? Hard disc infinite: 4 MB ( workstation ; 24 MB ( full station ) Z.E.N. works demands to be installed on the waiter and the client on the workstation needs to be updated. During the installing procedure Dynamic Link Libraries ( DLLs ) are copied to the workstation. DLLs contain routines that are called by an application to execute certain operations. Another public-service corporation that is included in Z.E.N. works to assist the distribution and direction of applications is the Application Launcher, which consists of four major constituents: ? Snap-in DLL? Snapshot? Application objects in the Neodymium tree? Application Launcher Window and Application object The snAppShot public-service corporation allows you take a snapshot of the Windows workstation before put ining the application. We will write a custom essay sample on Zero Effort Network Essay Research Paper Zero or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The snapshot includes Registry scenes along with the names of system and application files on the workstation. After the application has been installed, the snAppShot public-service corporation takes another image of the workstation # 8217 ; s constellation and so uses the two snapshots to make an Application Object Template ( AOT ) file. The Application Launc her uses the AOT file to find what Registry scenes and system files need to be copied to the workstation to run the application from the web. In add-on to including constellation scenes and system file names, the AOT file besides contains the name of the Application object and the way where you want to hive away the AOT and installing files. Consequently, before running the snAppShot public-service corporation, you need to specify the name you want to utilize for the Application object and make up ones mind where the application and AOT files will be stored. The Application Launcher package consists of two constituents: the wrapper plan and the launcher. The wrapper plan determines which launcher plan ( NALW31.EXE, NALWIN32.EXE, or NAL.EXE ) to run based on the client computing machine # 8217 ; s operating system. The launcher plan so determines the Application objects to which the user has entree and displays a window demoing all applications the user has been authorized to run. When the user selects an application, the launcher determines whether the application is installed on the workstation. If this is the first clip the user has run the application from this workstation, the application will automatically be installed utilizing the AOT file created by the snAppShot public-service corporation. If Application Launcher senses that the application constellation has been damaged, or files are losing or corrupt, it will automatically correct the application constellation and transcript and damaged or losing files.

Rational Choice Theory and Structural Functionalism a Supplementation and Assimilation Essay Example

Rational Choice Theory and Structural Functionalism: a Supplementation and Assimilation Essay Rational Choice Theory and Structural Functionalism: A Supplementation and Assimilation Great theories produce opposition in connection to their inconsistencies and while challengers may position the theory contra itself, followers tend to revise the theory in order to preserve it from dismissal. This usually occurs by broadening the original theory while maintaining that the revision is consistent with the theory’s original meaning. In exploring Talcott Parson’s Theory of Structural Functionalism I have been motivated by its ambiguities to revise it in such a way. I am not a proponent of Structural Functionalism and have strong ties to Rational Choice Theory. I enjoy that it is concerned with relating micro and macro levels of study rather than affirming that one is better than the other (Ritzer). I am also an atheist with no real ties to a moral code other than that dictated by societal norms (throughout this paper I will use the word society to refer to contemporary Anglo-Canadian society) and expectations, but my belief system rests in Ayn Rand’s philosophy of objectivism. I live according to motivated self-interest and believe that all choices great and small are rational. We will write a custom essay sample on Rational Choice Theory and Structural Functionalism: a Supplementation and Assimilation specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Rational Choice Theory and Structural Functionalism: a Supplementation and Assimilation specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Rational Choice Theory and Structural Functionalism: a Supplementation and Assimilation specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Being raised in a household that avoided unnecessary communication at all costs compelled me to become a pragmatic and honest person in what little communication we did have. This pragmatism has consistently carried me through my interactions with others and has proven beneficial in seeking out and acting in my best interest. With this pragmatism comes an unrelenting want to avoid, deductive theory. This would explain why, in a position as a meta-theorist I feel compelled to assimilate Structural Functionalism to Rational Choice Theory. Due to its individualism, Rational Choice Theory could be considered neoliberal ideology. However, my interpretation leads me to understand that it does not necessarily lead to an individualistic model of society as a whole. For this reason I believe that the micro theory can easily and harmoniously be coincided with the macro theory of structural functionalism. In fact, despite its purported nature as a macro-theory, Parsons (1977) says that his theory can be extended to the microbiological level. To take from Coleman’s (1990) aim I’d argue that structural functionalism takes for granted an explanation for why and how social norms emerge as well as an account for the existence of dissent to these norms. Rational Choice Theory necessarily and seamlessly supplements Structural Functionalism and fills this theoretical void. Rational Choice Theory generally contests structural methods of explanation and assumes that society is equal to the totality of actions of individuals and that complex social phenomena can be explained in terms of the individual actions of which they are made up. This standpoint, called methodological individualism, holds that individuals are moved by their wants or preferences. Social order arises from these actions of individual self-interest. It positions itself in individualism and holds that sufficient sociological accounts involve individuals, their understanding of the conditions in which they are situated, and the reasons for choosing to take certain actions. Choices are made in relation to both their goals and the means for attaining these goals. This involves the rational actor who is relatively independent, egoistic, goal-oriented, and rationally calculating. In this way, we act in accordance to our hierarchy of preferences. As rational thinkers we are constrained by logic and as rational actors we are constrained by our temporal reality. Rational choice theories hold that individuals must foresee the outcomes of multiple courses of action and calculate the one that will be best for them. Rational individuals choose the alternative that is likely to give them the greatest fulfillment. Some reasons why attempts to reconcile Rational Choice Theory as a macro theory of social action may be contested include the problems of, collective action, social norms, and social structure. The question comes to be: if individuals consider the personal benefit to be made from each course of action, why would one ever choose to act in a way that would benefit others more than themselves? Why do people seem to follow norms of behaviour that lead them to act in altruistic way that seem to take precedence over their self-interest. For Parsons, (1977) this could be explained only by acknowledging that there is a normative, component in decision making. I would be quick to intimate that this understanding may be remedied to coincide with rational choice theory by suggesting that people are willing to make decisions that benefit others at the expense of their own immediate self-interest because they have regarded the course of action as continuing on longer than the immediate. Talcott Parsons makes some main assumptions about society including that all parts are interdependent, the whole may be impacted by the nature of one part, tendencies to change from within are controlled by systems and social action is voluntary in nature. Parsons argued that action had to be guided by social norms and values. Structural Functionalism proffers that society leans towards equilibrium and social order and society is seen as a biological body, in which systems keep the body healthy. Societal health is apparently guaranteed when individuals accept the general mores of their society (Parsons:1977). This theory of voluntarism does not suggest that agency is governed only by free will but rather that it is constrained by boundaries. These boundaries form a patterned structure of relationships which come to be known as norms. Parsons believes that agency is a combination of individual action and restrictions of social systems. He then also proposes however that the successful functioning of society requires collectivism, as opposed to rational action. He fundamentally contradicts himself in that he gives space for individual action within his theory yet his theory is deemed a rival to individualism and a proponent of collectivism. He asks the question, ‘How can society persist when its members are pursuing their own self-interested goals? ’ (Parsons:1951). He seemingly answers his own theoretical question in that within his methodology, individuals are both constrained by systems and driven by individual goals. He states that â€Å"the problem of order, and thus of the nature of stable systems of social interaction that is, of social structure, thus focuses on the integration of the motivation of the actors with the normative cultural standards which integrate the action system, in our context, interpersonally† (Parsons:1951). Parsons focus was on the external forces that shape our individual motivations. His theory of Structural Functionalism however leaves a gaping void in explaining deviant behaviour. He makes a grand assumption about the existence and control of normative values. There is no consideration for resistance or dissent to these values. This lack of attention to social conflict ignores power and inequality. To look at decisions as long chains of actions we can begin to see how an individual’s hierarchy of preferences may influence them to incur immediate dissatisfaction for greater more fulfilling satisfaction in the long run. There exists anticipation for future reciprocity that becomes accepted as a kind of norm. This understanding presupposes that individuals will develop trust in each other, a rational response in attempts to build partnerships. This can be harmoniously tied into Parson’s Structural Functionalist understanding in which norms guide the individual. Rational Choice Theory is simply a reduction of societal norms to the individual level in which in most cases acting in line with these norms is in the individual’s self-interest. In this way we can incorporate Parsons’ viewpoint that societies are self-regulating and stable. In the cases where it is not calculated to be in their best interest to conform to mores we observe deviance. This is where Parson’s theory lacks explanation and where Rational Choice Theory can methodologically pick up the pieces. References Coleman, J. S. 1990. Foundations of Social Theory. Cambridge: Belknap. Parsons, T. 1937. The Structure of Social Action. New York: McGraw-Hill. Parsons, T. 1951. The Social System. The Free Press, New York. Parsons, T. 977 Social Systems and the Evolution of Action Theory New York: Free Press. Ritzer, G. 1991. Metatheorizing in Sociology . Lexington Books , Lexington, MA. [ 1 ]. In Capitalism and Commerce (1991) Edward W. Younkins defines Ay Rand’s moral theory of self-interest as derived from mans nature as a rational being and end in himself. It recognizes mans right to think and act according to his freely-chosen principles, and reflects a mans potential to be the best person he can be in the context of his facticity.